By Dr. Abejide B. Olusegun

The recent comments made by Bauchi State Governor Bala Mohammed on Thursday have sparked significant controversy. Mohammed accused President Bola Tinubu’s tax policies of being “anti-northern” Nigeria, warning that the region would “show its true colors” in response. He argued that the tax reform bills are intended to benefit only a specific part of the country while marginalizing northern Nigeria. He issued a defiant statement, declaring, “We will not back down; we will fight for it.” As Chairman of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) Governors Forum, Mohammed has consistently opposed Tinubu’s economic reforms, claiming they harm the interests of Nigerians.

Let him proceed with his threats. The tax reform is now firmly established and is essential for addressing long-standing disparities. For 63 years, northern Nigeria, under the dominance of Fulani elites, has led the country toward destruction, demonstrating a capacity for mismanagement and exploitation. These so-called Fulani leaders have been in power for decades, plundering the nation’s resources and fostering a culture of corruption that continues to afflict Nigeria today.

Interestingly, the Fulani elites only invoke the idea of “the North” as a collective when it serves their political agenda. They exploit the majority of the Hausa population for their own benefit but conveniently ignore this majority once their goals are achieved. The Fulanis, a group numbering no more than six million people, have managed to dominate a country of nearly 300 million, largely to the machinations of Lord Lugard and the British during colonial times.

WHO ARE THE REAL NORTHERNERS?

We are frequently confronted with terms like “Northern Elders,” “Arewa Consultative Forum,” and “Northern Governors Forum.” However, a crucial question persists: Who are these Northerners?

To explore this issue, we can look to history. During President Obasanjo’s administration, he appointed non-Fulani individuals from the North to sensitive positions. This action sparked a confrontation with the Sultan of Sokoto and other prominent Fulani figures, such as Ango Abdullahi, who accused him of marginalizing the North. Confounded, Obasanjo asked, “Are non-Fulani people from the North not Northerners?” The Sultan emphatically replied “no,” revealing the entrenched ethnic hierarchies within the so-called North.

Further historical context provides more insight. In December 1979, during the National Party of Nigeria (NPN) primary elections, Ambassador Maitama Sule, a respected Hausa statesman, was poised to be the party’s candidate. However, a faction of Islamic-Fulani elites, led by Sultan Attahiru of the Sokoto Caliphate, found his candidacy unacceptable. In a covert overnight meeting, they replaced Maitama Sule with the lesser-known Alhaji Shehu Shagari, a Fulani Muslim, in a move they claimed was in line with the interests of “the North.” This situation prompts us to ask again: Who truly represents the North?

In 2015, the North united behind Muhammadu Buhari, a Fulani, to unseat President Goodluck Jonathan, framing their efforts as a pursuit of justice and fairness. However, after seven years of Buhari’s leadership, the same North rejected the concept of zoning—an approach meant to ensure fair power distribution—as undemocratic. Figures like Nasir El-Rufai argued that the emphasis should be on “competence,” conveniently overlooking the principles of fairness they had previously advocated.

Reflecting back to 1953, Aminu Kano, a prominent Hausa leader, founded the Northern Elements Progressive Union (NEPU) to challenge the mystique surrounding northern aristocracy. In response, Sir Ahmadu Bello, a Fulani, denounced him as an “anti-North propagandist.” Their rivalry persisted until Bello’s death in 1966, further deepening the question: Who are the Northerners?

HISTORICAL ANSWERS

To truly understand the North, one must revisit October 12, 1960. Just eleven days after Nigeria gained independence, the National Parrot newspaper quoted Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, who stated, “This new nation called Nigeria is the inheritance of the Fulanis given to them by their great grandfather, Uthman dan Fodio. We shall use the northern minorities as conquered people and the South as willing tools, until we dip the Quran into the Atlantic Ocean.”

This statement leaves no doubt about the perception of Northerners among Fulani elites. The North is synonymous with the Fulani, and the Fulani identity defines the North. Non-Fulani groups in the region are viewed merely as pawns in their broader scheme of domination.

THE STRUGGLE FOR CONTROL

Consider the case of Kaduna State. When a Fulani governor was chosen as the vice presidential candidate, his deputy, a man from Southern Kaduna, was marginalized. The Fulanis would likely have prevented a non-Fulani from governing the state if not for constitutional constraints. In 1979, Alhaji Balarabe Musa, a Hausa Muslim and committed Talakawa politician, was impeached on trivial grounds to replace him with a Fulani governor. This pattern of marginalization and manipulation has continued over the decades.

Even the so-called Northern minorities play a role in their own subjugation. Many non-Fulani governors and politicians have prioritized allegiance to Fulani leaders like Muhammadu Buhari and Atiku Abubakar over the interests of their constituents. This cultural vulnerability has been exploited to devastating effect, undermining any prospects for genuine unity or progress in the North.

THE BIAFRAN WAR AND ITS LESSONS

During the Biafran War, Northern minorities played a crucial role in fighting on behalf of their Fulani overlords, with prominent leaders like Yakubu Gowon, Theophilus Danjuma, and Joshua Dogonyaro at the forefront. However, once the war concluded, these leaders were sidelined, allowing the Fulani elites to strengthen their hold on power. The 1975 coup that removed Gowon initiated a systematic purge of non-Fulanis from the Nigerian military—a legacy that persists to this day.

The slogan “One North, One Destiny, One People” is a clear misrepresentation. The North is far from a unified entity. The term “Arewa,” meaning north, originates from the Hausa language, not Fulani. This distinction is significant because the Hausa represent the largest ethnic group in the region, yet they remain marginalized under Fulani dominance. By adopting Hausa terminology, the Fulanis obscure their minority status and reinforce their authority under a guise of unity.

THE FULANI STRATEGY

The Fulanis have exploited cultural and religious divisions to maintain their dominance. Non-Muslims in the North are labeled “Kafiris,” or pagans, further isolating them from positions of power.

Without the self-serving manipulations of the British, the Fulanis would lack influence in Nigeria. They serve as a reminder of the nation’s historical missteps and its gravest sins. Despite their arrogance, the Fulanis have never successfully subdued other major ethnic groups, such as the Yorubas. The fall of Ilorin to Fulani control was the result of Afonja’s betrayal, not Fulani superiority. In time, Ilorin will return to Yoruba hands, as their quiet resilience is not a sign of weakness but a demonstration of strategic patience.

THE ROAD AHEAD

Even during the civil war, the Fulanis capitalized on divisions among other ethnic groups to maintain their dominance. Had Ojukwu forged alliances with the Yorubas instead of antagonizing them, the course of Nigerian history might have changed. The Fulanis have never succeeded through direct confrontation; their strengths lie in subterfuge and exploitation.

Today, under President Tinubu’s leadership, Nigeria is striving to rectify decades of corruption and mismanagement attributed to the Fulani. It is no surprise that the North is protesting and lamenting the difficulties they face. However, these challenges are minor compared to the suffering the Fulanis have inflicted on the nation since independence.

Even Vice President Kashim Shettima, a Kanuri man, encounters systemic barriers. Fulani elites argue that he can never rise to the presidency because he is not “proper” Fulani. This highlights the exclusivity of their power structure and the obstacles they create for other northern groups.

CONCLUSION

Governor Bala Mohammed’s threats are lacking in substance. The Hausa majority, which has long been exploited by the Fulani minority, is starting to become aware of its circumstances. The Fulanis are now isolated, with a population too small to significantly affect Nigeria as a whole. Their previous influence has diminished. As Nigeria moves forward, the era of Fulani dominance is drawing to a close. The nation’s future relies on unity and equity rather than the divisive and exploitative practices of the past.

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